The Role of Women within the
Polygamist Enclaves of Mormon Fundamentalism
The modern
phenomena of fundamentalist movements within religious sects manifested
generally, in the early twentieth century, an outspoken indignation and
response to the rise of secularism, modernism, and assimilation within specific
sectarian religious congregations. This
element of traditionalism and dependency on intrinsic fundamentals initiated a
schism concerning the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints or Mormons, which
consequently created a dichotomy revolving around the assimilation and
secularization of the Mormon orthodoxy within the United States by the abandonment of
polygamy as a tenant of the Mormon religion.
Thus, Mormon Fundamentalism consequently resulted after the dissolution
of polygamy along with the biblical law of consecration or communal subsistence
living by the orthodox sect of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints
in order to assimilate within the sphere of religious acceptance of the United States government to reconcile statehood
for Utah in
the late nineteenth century.
Notwithstanding, even with the added persecutions and prosecutions by
the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and the United States
government, Mormon Fundamentalists burgeoned directly as a result of the innate
role played by women within the enclave as the focal and pivotal strength of
the community. While polygamy has
sometimes been associated with the enslavement of women in order for men to
benefit from the decadence of sexual indulgences, not only has the women’s role
manifested a central importance within the polygamist enclaves of Mormon
Fundamentalism as the key element within the everlasting covenant of eternal
marriage and sealing of posterity, polygamy has exuded a unique sense of
prosperity for women within the enclaves which resonates appeal and growth
regarding fundamentalist converts.
After the
organization of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Joseph Smith,
from whom the Mormons attributed the restoration of the true gospel of Jesus
Christ on the earth in the modern dispensation as well as modern day prophecy
and the re-emergence of the sacred priesthood authority, subtly instituted the
biblical principle of polygamy in 1831 among particular high ranking families
within the nascent church. Joseph Smith
later canonized the revelation for the reinstitution of polygamy in 1843, along
with the principle of the new and everlasting covenant of eternal marriage
patterned after the prophets of the biblical Old Testament in section 132 of the Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day
Saints.[1] Albeit,
even though Joseph Smith canonized the revelation as a modern commandment from
God, the practice of polygamy still did not warrant public implementation; so,
polygamy continued to appear only within certain families in the highest
echelons of the faith. Yet within the
investigation of Mormon history, some historians maintained the idea that the
assassination of Joseph Smith on June 27, 1844, had significant ties to his
belief in polygamy.[2] However even though polygamy perhaps
displayed malign discontent amongst Mormon critics, Joseph Smith, along with
Mormons in general, received persecution for a myriad of unique theological
doctrines, namely the charismatic resonance of Smith, his prophetic visions,
and the discovery and translation of the keystone of the Mormon religion, The Book of Mormon: Another Testament of
Jesus Christ. Consequently, the
assassination of Joseph Smith in 1844 culminated from a myriad of malevolent
sentiments demonstrated by incredulous, mob-like persecutions.
After the
death of Smith, the mantle of prophecy, bestowed by the authority of the
council of the twelve apostles, presided with the famous Utah pioneer Brigham Young.
On August 29, 1852, Young publicly announced the
implementation of polygamy within the Mormon community and its vast importance
pertaining as the utmost vital and imperative saving ordinance required for the
highest degree of exaltation within the Celestial Kingdom
or eternal post-mortal existence being as kings and priests within the presence
of the God.[3] This key ordinance, which explained in
section 132 of the Doctrine and Covenants
functioned as the new and everlasting covenant of eternal marriage and enabled
both polygamy and monogamy to invest the potential of receiving exaltation from
the most high God, which according to Mormon theology, provided the opportunity
to rule kingdoms in heaven amongst eternal posterity. This dogma associated with the eternal
marriage pertained contingently to obedience or merit associated with Mormon
diligence.[4]
However, why
did the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints wait twenty-one years to
employ polygamy publicly within the Mormon congregation, and what significant
role did women play within polygamy? Due
to the vast degree of persecution of members by eastern and mid-western
townships within the United States
along with the assassination of Joseph Smith, Brigham Young led the Mormons
across the mid-western plains to settle a communal, agrarian society, based on
the biblical law of consecration, in the federal territory of Utah . This mass exodus provided the Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints the opportunity to venerate freely without the
persecutions which plagued their community.
Yet during
their journey, the Mormon pioneers suffered great hardships. Not only was the initial women to men ratio
disproportionate in favor of the women, during the journey many of the men were
called to serve in a Mormon military battalion along side the United States
government in the war with Mexico.[5] So the war and the unstable mortality rate
during the pilgrimage to Zion
only enhanced the population ratio in heavy favor of women vis-à-vis men. Thus, from 1844 to 1852, Young found an
undeniable dilemma concerning an exponential element of unmarried women,
widows, and orphaned children that were unable to maintain socioeconomic
stability; also, these members were unable to proliferate or procreate within
the new Mormon Salt Lake City community or enjoy the potential opportunity to
achieve exaltation within the new and everlasting covenant of eternal marriage.[6] Hence, polygamy granted an over dominant
element of women a chance to marry within the everlasting covenant as well as
eliminated social taboos and provided extra economic stability to women and
orphaned children.[7]
Accordingly, polygamy never
manifested reasons of sexual indulgence for men. In fact, historians and sociologists have
maintained arguments of quite the opposite result within the phenomena, that
polygamy has manifested more benefits for women rather than men.[8] Within the polygamist element of the
mid-nineteenth century, many women enjoyed benefits synonymous with those who
maintained polygamist relationships later in Mormon Fundamentalist
enclaves. The similarities of the role
of women within polygamy will be discussed later within this essay. The main differences between polygamy
practiced by the orthodox sect or the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day
Saints and Mormon Fundamentalists differed directly in the initial
implementation of a polygamist relationship.
When the Church Jesus Christ of
Latter-day Saints practiced polygamy, polygamy flourished as a special calling
practiced only by elite members in whom they were directly called by the
prophet. Studies revealed that during
the second half of the nineteenth century only between 15 and 20 percent of
marriages within the church were polygamous; and of that 15 to 20 percent, 66.3
percent were only allotted two wives.[9] Also, any man called to a polygamous
relationship had the opportunity to either accept or decline without any type
of demotion within the priesthood body.
Finally, the decision to accept a polygamous relationship ultimately
presented heed to the first wife and her permission. The first wife always inherited the right to
accept or decline the calling before the husband could offer his acceptance or
decline.[10] Thus, in a sense, it is self evident that the
role of the women in the orthodox sect manifested a sense of equality in
regards to the institution of marriage even though women did not possess the
priesthood authority. Albeit, women in
polygamist enclaves of Mormon Fundamentalists never manifested such equality;
in fact, the role of the women in regards to marriage, even though within
polygamist society there is a strong contingent element of great satisfaction
for women, women vis-à-vis men are subordinate and must submit to the
prevalence of men, the prophet, and the priesthood council.[11]
Due to
continual pressure from the United States
government and the desire for Utah
to reach statehood, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints
discontinued any newly appointed polygamist relationships after the Manifesto
of 1890 by Prophet Wilford Woodruf.[12] However, since many Mormon families already
sustained polygamy, it was difficult to negate that relationship. Thus in 1904, a Second Manifesto solidified
the dissolution of polygamy within the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day
Saints.[13] The Second Manifesto not only caused extreme
dissidence between members who continued to practice polygamy with those who
had sustained the laws of the land and adopted only monogamy,[14]
it also drove polygamist families underground and virtually in hiding.[15] Polygamist families who received the
sentiments of disdain inherited traits of zealotry and greatly disassociated
from the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, especially after the
church started excommunicating members who still practiced polygamy. The polygamists initiated sectarian schisms
after the Second Manifesto and the Final Manifesto of 1933;[16]
for they believed the church had lost the rudimentary traditions preached by
Joseph Smith and the authority which sustained revelation and the priesthood in
exchange for the secularization and conformity to federal recognition and
assimilation within acceptance of main stream Christianity.[17]
Once Mormon
Fundamentalists completely separated from the Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter-day Saints, Mormon Fundamentalism continued to divide themselves asunder
into different enclaves. The main
enclaves preserved leadership by a hierarchy of prominent polygamist families,
mainly the Johnson, Musser, and LeBaron families.[18] However even though the different factions
differed in modern revelation, for each faction maintained their own prophet,
the traditional principles of polygamy, fostered by Joseph Smith, maintained
the same principles. Thus the role of
women within each enclave retained similar dynamics.
Surprisingly,
the role of women warranted similar appeals and benefits in fundamentalist
enclaves as it did when it was initially implemented publicly by Brigham Young
in 1852. Because of the benefits of
polygamy for women, converts have rapidly accumulated within Mormon
Fundamentalism. In a sociological
perspective, approximately one to six families converted and joined Mormon
Fundamentalist enclaves each month in 1993.
Of those converts, 70 percent are women.[19] For, women are able to assimilate within
Mormon Fundamentalist societies quicker than men.[20]
Yet how do
women, inherently divulged within a patriarchal society, benefit from
polygamist enclaves more than men? In a
paradoxical sense, because women within a Mormon Fundamentalist enclave are
structured within patriarchal elements of subversion as previously mentioned,
women have opted to emphatically maximize opportunities for autonomy, mobility,
solidarity, and goddess worship. It is
this intrinsic structure that has provided a greater benefit for women rather
than men.[21]
Within the
polygamist enclaves of Mormon Fundamentalist societies, women enjoy
socioeconomic security. The priesthood
not only exists as a means for a hierarchal structure within the enclave, it
also purports a responsibility for men to provide security for each of their
wives as well as treat each wife equally fair.
Therefore each man must allow equal time devoted to each wife.[22]
For women, this promotes
interdependence between the sister wives as well as allot time for each women
to function independently. While the
husband is gone, the women may maintain the authoritative roles over the
children and are permitted also to independently function and pursue
ambitions. So when the husband is not
in a particular home, it is the mother’s role to act as the authority and
cultivate the celestial family as both the father and the mother.[23] Also, since men provide financial stability,
the women are free to pursue educational exploits or any other ambitions they
desire. It is quite common for women
within the enclave to pursue higher degrees of education as well as
supplemental income.
Women also benefit from marital
mobility. Since the primary role for
women within Mormon Fundamentalism is to cultivate celestial families, it is
necessary that women are satisfied within there marriage. In regards to second marriages, after the
primary husband dies, which frequently occurs since marriages occur between
elder men and teenage girls, women select second husbands in terms of
hypergamy. Due to the fact that women
are always selected and sealed by and to their first husbands for eternity in
the everlasting covenant of marriage, a second marriage is for only a temporal
earthly gestation; thus, women may finally select a husband that may provide a
greater means of economic stability.[24]
Also, women maintain the option for
separation from their husbands or “release” if the husbands are not honoring
their priesthood or providing a satisfactory marriage. Thus within Mormon Fundamentalist enclaves,
the divorce rate could be as high as 35 percent.[25] Unlike women, it is exceptionally difficult
for men to receive a release from a marriage contract since they have the
option of just marrying another wife.
Conversely, even if men do not get along with their wives, it is still
obligatory to maintain financial stability for each wife.
Within the enclave, women enjoy a
great forum in midst of a contingently larger female population. Many women convert to fundamentalist enclave
due to loneliness, desperation, or because they are widows with children, or
even women who cannot find a worthy husband in mainstream Mormonism. Once in the enclave, women are able to build
a rapport with other women and build relationships upon the dynamics of common
foundations. Thus, women are able form
strong bonds of sisterhood, self confidence, independence, and even sense of
solidarity. These communal relationships
not only manifest benefits for women within the enclave, but also establish a
fellowship of esoteric commonality which may prevent women from leaving the
enclave.[26]
Finally,
women play the most essential role within the Mormon Fundamentalist enclaves
because of the very nature in which the enclave exists. As mentioned previously, the most vital and
essential ordinance within all Mormon theology is entering the new and
everlasting covenant of eternal marriage.
Therefore on earth, Mormons are essentially building their kingdoms in
heaven. For if members are exalted to
the highest degree of the Celestial
Kingdom , they inherent
and rule as kings/queens and priests/priestesses over their eternal posterity
in their proprietary kingdoms. For
Mormon Fundamentalist, this paradigm of divine hierarchy is also implemented on
earth emanating from the enclave’s prophet, to the priesthood council of
apostles, and through the hierarchy of the different levels of both Melchizedek
and Aaronic priesthoods.[27] Thus, for women, they are the ones physically
bearing children to build these earthly kingdoms that in a sense mimic their
potential celestial ambitions. As queens
and priestesses, the women are directly responsible for the cultivation of their
children which are their primary obligation.[28] Thus, women operate as the central heart
within communal family as well as the nuclear family in which gives them a
goddess like quality, worshipped by those surrounding them.
This divine heritage has also created
an evolution of paradigms for hierarchal development within women vis-à-vis
their communal society. Women, in a
sense, have aspired to priesthood revelations in regards to bearing children.[29] Many women testify of visions and dreams in
which manifest their children appearing to them in particular scenarios. These revelations permit women to escalate
within their inner hierarchy. Also, the
number of children that they give birth to and cultivate not only allocates a
higher position within the social hierarchy, it will provide additional
blessing in heaven as well.[30] Consequently, women within Mormon
Fundamentalism have opted in the refusal of the use of birth control. Conversely, since the Church of Jesus Christ
of Latter-day Saints advocates a person’s right to determine their own private
use of birth control, except in cases of abortion, fundamentalist further
dichotomize the secularism of the church with the true traditional practice of
the fundamentalists.[31]
Even though polygamy in Mormon Fundamentalist
enclaves resonates on the male dominance of the patriarchal society, women have
ameliorated and maximized their standing within the community inhibiting a
social hierarchy as well as a position of venerated, altruistic kingdom
builders. While many outsiders may
condemn or lament Mormon Fundamentalist women as zealot casualties caught in a
modern-day white slavery ring, in actuality, fundamentalist women are
benefiting from their roles within the enclaves and burgeoning the membership
of their factions by means of child bearing as well as manifesting a desired
milieu for non-fundamentalist women seeking not only socioeconomic stability,
but also a sense of autonomy, independence, solidarity, mobility, communal
camaraderie and manifest destiny.
Bibliography
Bennion,
Janet. Women of Principle: Female Networking in Contemporary Mormon Polygyny. New York : Oxford University
Press, 1998.
Driggs, Ken. “After the Manifesto: Modern Polygamy and
Fundamentalist Mormons.” Journal of Church and State (Vol. 32
Issue2), 367-390.
Driggs, Ken. “This Will Someday Be the Head and Not the
Tail of the Church: A History of the Mormon Fundamentalists at Short Creek.” Journal of Church and State (Spring
1992), 49-80.
Friel,
Breton. “Rethinking Mormon Polygamy: A
Different Perspective.” Crescat Scientia:
Journal of History (Spring 2004).
Hardy, B.
Carmen. Solemn Covenant: The Mormon Polygamous Passage. Chicago : University of Illinois Press, 1992.
Hyde, John. Mormonism:
Its Leaders and Design. New York : W.P. Fetridge
& Company, 1857.
Smith,
Joseph. The Doctrine and Covenants of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day
Saints. Salt Lake City : The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter-day Saints, 1981.
Smith,
Joseph. “The Articles of Faith,
12.” The
Pearl of Great
Price. Salt Lake City : The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter-day Saints, 1981.
White, Daryl and
O. Kendall White Jr. “Polygamy and
Mormon Identity.” The Journal of American
Culture, Vol. 28 No. 2 (June 2005), 165-177.
Woodruf,
Wilford. “Manifesto: Official
Declaration-1.” The Doctrine and
Covenants of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints. Salt
Lake City : The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day
Saints, 1981.
[1] Joseph
Smith, The Doctrine of Covenants of the
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, (Salt Lake City: The Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981), Section 132.
[2] John
Hyde, Mormonism: Its Leaders and Design,
(New York: W.P. Fetridge & Company, 1857), 84-85.
[3] Breton Friel, “Rethinking Mormon Polygamy: A
Different Perspective,” Crescat Scientia:
Journal of History (Spring 2004), 92.
[4] Daryl
White and O. Kendall White Jr, “Polygamy and Mormon Identity,” The Journal of American Culture, (Vol.
28 No. 2, June 2005), 166.
[5] Janet
Bennion, Women of Principle: Female
Networking in Contemporary Mormon Polygyny, (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1998), 5.
[6] Hyde,
86-87.
[7] White,
167.
[8] Friel,
91.
[9] Friel,
95.
[10] Smith,
D&C, 132:61, 272
[11]
Bennion, 43.
[12] Wilford
Woodruf, “Manifesto: Official Declaration-1,” The Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day
Saints, (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints,
1981), 291.
[13] B.
Carmen Hardy, Solemn Covenant: The Mormon
Polygamous Passage, (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1992), 259-261.
[14] Joseph
Smith, “The Articles of Faith, 12,” The Pearl of Great Price,
(Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981), 61.
[15] White,
169.
[16] Ken
Driggs, “This Will Someday Be the Head and Not the Tail of the Church: A
History of the Mormon Fundamentalists at Short Creek,” Journal of Church and State (Spring 1992), 58.
[17] Ken Driggs,,
49, 71
[18] Ken
Driggs, “After the Manifesto: Modern Polygamy and Fundamentalist Mormons.” Journal
of Church and State (Vol. 32 Issue2), 375.
[19]
Bennion, 5.
[20]
Bennion, 143.
[21]
Bennion, 7.
[22] Friel,
91.
[23]
Bennion, 41-43.
[24]
Bennion, 88-89.
[25]
Bennion, 88-89.
[26]
Bennion, 4.
[27]
Bennion, 93.
[28]
Bennion, 44.
[29]
Bennion, 53.
[30]
Bennion, 81, 138.
[31]
Bennion, 81.
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