Wednesday, September 18, 2013


Is Russia the greatest threat in the Middle East?

News of the governmental unrest in Syria has seemingly dominated the global newswires for the past two years.  Not only has the military-posed regime validated a discombobulated sense of centralized control and political upheaval, this particular administration, commanded by the incumbent president, Bashar al-Assad, has demonstrated a frequent propensity for wanton violence, which has consistently resulted in the slaughter of thousands of innocents—namely, his own civilian population.  With the recent implication of Assad’s use of sarin gas to quell opposition forces in a Damascus suburb, governments, including the United States and France, have posed the question to ascertain “why” these tactics have been used, and if these tactics have breached the United Nation’s definition of illicit warfare.  Perhaps, the better question is “how” Syria is able to counter this internal insurgency on a military level, and “how” they are able to use and/or produce sarin gas. 

The Obama administration quickly denounced and condemned Assad’s use of chemical weaponry once the US government received DNA evidence confirming the usage of sarin gas in Damascus.  However, President Obama has flirted with the decision for military reprisal more cautiously, and under the guise of “working in concert,” with the US allies in the Middle East (1).  Pro-Obama or not, this was a relatively smart decision.  The Obama regime has done their homework.  The US government analyzed the historical trends of the Middle East.  In particular, the US realized that a fundamentalist regime has often overthrown and replaced their secular predecessor.  This paradigm has exhibited significant chaos, violence, and restrictive milieus in both Iran—with the Iranian revolution—and Egypt.  Thus, this is why the Obama regime has sought support in the US congress, as well as with the internationally community before carrying out an attack on Syria to bolster their stance against chemical warfare.  Ultimately, the US has no motive to attack Syria other than to maintain a precedent, overthrow a tyrannical regime, and protect innocent lives—i.e. Syria has not dominated in oil production or sales similar to other oil-rich countries in that region, nor has Syria exuded a strong allegiance to the U.S [There may be economic incentives for other countries to ban together to oust Assad, but it is dubious to think the US can benefit from those particular incentives.](2).

Conversely, Russia has adamantly disputed the use of sarin gas in Syria—at least by the hands of Assad’s regime.  In fact, just recently, Russia issued a statement condemning the US/Franco theory of events, in addition to the Western forensic investigations.  According to their “Russian” forensic investigation, and due to the crude chemical strain of the sarin gas that was used, coupled with the ineffective delivery system of the attack, the Russian government deduced the Syrian insurgency as culpable for the sarin attack rather than Assad’s regime(3).  Nevertheless, Russian motives have been quite questionable in their support of Assad.  Moreover, Russia has bolstered Assad politically on numerous occasions when the Western powers or the UN have attempted to instigate change or sanctions in Syria.

Additionally, though, Russia has invested far more in Assad than just their political allegiance.  Russia has been illegally selling arms to Syria despite the many economic sanctions initiated by the UN, EU, Turkey, US, and Arab League.  Russia has made over a billion dollars of revenue on these illegal arms contracts:

"The Russian defense industry source, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said Assad had started in recent months paying off a nearly $1-billion contract for four S-300 anti-aircraft missile systems and another $550 million order for 36 YAK-130 trainer fighter planes (4)."

Furthermore, Russia has also been ousted as propagating several trades of S-300 anti-aircraft missile systems to the country of Iran despite sanctions.  Russia has maintained their membership as part of the UN Security Council, but has continually feigned their involvement, and essentially, sabotaged political, military, and economic stability by means of illegal arms deals throughout the Middle East.  The questions that have been seemingly forgotten: 1). How often has Russia been selling arms to Syria? 2) What types of arms has Russia been selling to Syria?  Perhaps, if these questions are answered, the world will find out why Russia has been so adamant in denying Assad’s involvement in the chemical attacks on the Syrian population.







 

 
A Lack of Religious Education Continues to Spawn Acts of Terror

 

Acts of terrorism at the hands of religious extremists continue to maintain prominence in the headlines of international news.  Whether the headline articulates a new surge of attacks in Somalia, Yemen, or even Iraq, puritanical extremists such as the Taliban and al-Qaida disseminate their pervasive messages to convince traditional Muslims to heed their call to arms.  These terrorist groups interpret Islamic law to propagate their religious decrees (fatwa), accompanied by verses of the Qur’an, to orchestrate a cacophony of violence and terror amongst their own people and within their own religious culture to garner power in the Middle East.  However, these acts of violence do not necessarily emanate from the establishment and practice of Islamic Law; but rather, many of these issues are a direct result of Muslims losing a sense of their own religion.  In other words, Muslims follow these fundamentalist leaders because their foundation in Islamic doctrine and theology has waned beyond the point of knowing their own traditions and the laws of their religion.

Historically, during the early years of the 19th century, political leaders of the Ottoman Empire decided to reform education and emphasize western sciences and languages in lieu of the traditional religious schools that taught doctrine, faith, and theology.  As a result, students slowly began to stop prescribing to the Islamic schools of law (Maliki, Shafi, Hanbali, and Hanafi) and theology (Hanbali, Asharite, Maturidis, and Mutazilites), which diminished the students’ cultural and religious awareness.  Furthermore, Muslims relied more on their local religious leaders, rather than cultivating religious study amongst themselves.  Many of the traditional religious sciences such as kalam (theology), Sufism, and philosophy were displaced and even considered as heretical.

The lack of the religious education among Muslims has deteriorated the understanding of their own religion.  Consequently, fundamentalist leaders are using ignorance to gain support and momentum for their militancy.  These leaders, such as the former al-Qaida leader, Osama Bin Laden, interpret the Qur’an, hadith, and Islamic laws (faqiq) to instill terror in society, and ultimately, manipulate devoted believers by the promise of deliverance justice. 

In preceding times, the leaders of the Muslim communities needed to spend countless hours in study before they were able to decree on any type of religious ruling.  These leaders, known as judges (qadi) and law officials (mufti), looked at Islamic sources and derived adaptations, interpretations, or contemporaneous rulings by means of contextual analysis and the essential merit.  In contrast, today, fundamentalist leaders issue edicts without manifesting the necessary qualifications to maintain legal validity.  However, because the religious education of Muslims has decreased as previously discussed, fundamentalist leaders gain followers with their religious interpretations without the proper validation.

Fundamentalist groups continually amass followers by means of trepidation and unqualified manipulation of religious dogma.  Accordingly, many Muslim societies are becoming more endocentric, which is only causing further dependency upon these fundamentalist leaders.  Therefore, the lack of a religious education has ultimately caused a disparity in the religious understanding of Muslims, leaving room for puritanical literalists to manipulate and warp the comprehension of Islamic principles and doctrines.

Monday, September 9, 2013


The Role of Women within the Polygamist Enclaves of Mormon Fundamentalism

 

            The modern phenomena of fundamentalist movements within religious sects manifested generally, in the early twentieth century, an outspoken indignation and response to the rise of secularism, modernism, and assimilation within specific sectarian religious congregations.  This element of traditionalism and dependency on intrinsic fundamentals initiated a schism concerning the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints or Mormons, which consequently created a dichotomy revolving around the assimilation and secularization of the Mormon orthodoxy within the United States by the abandonment of polygamy as a tenant of the Mormon religion.  Thus, Mormon Fundamentalism consequently resulted after the dissolution of polygamy along with the biblical law of consecration or communal subsistence living by the orthodox sect of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in order to assimilate within the sphere of religious acceptance of the United States government to reconcile statehood for Utah in the late nineteenth century.  Notwithstanding, even with the added persecutions and prosecutions by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and the United States government, Mormon Fundamentalists burgeoned directly as a result of the innate role played by women within the enclave as the focal and pivotal strength of the community.  While polygamy has sometimes been associated with the enslavement of women in order for men to benefit from the decadence of sexual indulgences, not only has the women’s role manifested a central importance within the polygamist enclaves of Mormon Fundamentalism as the key element within the everlasting covenant of eternal marriage and sealing of posterity, polygamy has exuded a unique sense of prosperity for women within the enclaves which resonates appeal and growth regarding fundamentalist converts.      

            After the organization of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Joseph Smith, from whom the Mormons attributed the restoration of the true gospel of Jesus Christ on the earth in the modern dispensation as well as modern day prophecy and the re-emergence of the sacred priesthood authority, subtly instituted the biblical principle of polygamy in 1831 among particular high ranking families within the nascent church.  Joseph Smith later canonized the revelation for the reinstitution of polygamy in 1843, along with the principle of the new and everlasting covenant of eternal marriage patterned after the prophets of the biblical Old Testament in section 132 of the Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.[1]  Albeit, even though Joseph Smith canonized the revelation as a modern commandment from God, the practice of polygamy still did not warrant public implementation; so, polygamy continued to appear only within certain families in the highest echelons of the faith.  Yet within the investigation of Mormon history, some historians maintained the idea that the assassination of Joseph Smith on June 27, 1844, had significant ties to his belief in polygamy.[2]  However even though polygamy perhaps displayed malign discontent amongst Mormon critics, Joseph Smith, along with Mormons in general, received persecution for a myriad of unique theological doctrines, namely the charismatic resonance of Smith, his prophetic visions, and the discovery and translation of the keystone of the Mormon religion, The Book of Mormon: Another Testament of Jesus Christ.  Consequently, the assassination of Joseph Smith in 1844 culminated from a myriad of malevolent sentiments demonstrated by incredulous, mob-like persecutions.

            After the death of Smith, the mantle of prophecy, bestowed by the authority of the council of the twelve apostles, presided with the famous Utah pioneer Brigham Young.

On August 29, 1852, Young publicly announced the implementation of polygamy within the Mormon community and its vast importance pertaining as the utmost vital and imperative saving ordinance required for the highest degree of exaltation within the Celestial Kingdom or eternal post-mortal existence being as kings and priests within the presence of the God.[3]  This key ordinance, which explained in section 132 of the Doctrine and Covenants functioned as the new and everlasting covenant of eternal marriage and enabled both polygamy and monogamy to invest the potential of receiving exaltation from the most high God, which according to Mormon theology, provided the opportunity to rule kingdoms in heaven amongst eternal posterity.  This dogma associated with the eternal marriage pertained contingently to obedience or merit associated with Mormon diligence.[4]

            However, why did the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints wait twenty-one years to employ polygamy publicly within the Mormon congregation, and what significant role did women play within polygamy?  Due to the vast degree of persecution of members by eastern and mid-western townships within the United States along with the assassination of Joseph Smith, Brigham Young led the Mormons across the mid-western plains to settle a communal, agrarian society, based on the biblical law of consecration, in the federal territory of Utah.  This mass exodus provided the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints the opportunity to venerate freely without the persecutions which plagued their community.

            Yet during their journey, the Mormon pioneers suffered great hardships.  Not only was the initial women to men ratio disproportionate in favor of the women, during the journey many of the men were called to serve in a Mormon military battalion along side the United States government in the war with Mexico.[5]  So the war and the unstable mortality rate during the pilgrimage to Zion only enhanced the population ratio in heavy favor of women vis-à-vis men.  Thus, from 1844 to 1852, Young found an undeniable dilemma concerning an exponential element of unmarried women, widows, and orphaned children that were unable to maintain socioeconomic stability; also, these members were unable to proliferate or procreate within the new Mormon Salt Lake City community or enjoy the potential opportunity to achieve exaltation within the new and everlasting covenant of eternal marriage.[6]  Hence, polygamy granted an over dominant element of women a chance to marry within the everlasting covenant as well as eliminated social taboos and provided extra economic stability to women and orphaned children.[7]

Accordingly, polygamy never manifested reasons of sexual indulgence for men.  In fact, historians and sociologists have maintained arguments of quite the opposite result within the phenomena, that polygamy has manifested more benefits for women rather than men.[8]  Within the polygamist element of the mid-nineteenth century, many women enjoyed benefits synonymous with those who maintained polygamist relationships later in Mormon Fundamentalist enclaves.  The similarities of the role of women within polygamy will be discussed later within this essay.  The main differences between polygamy practiced by the orthodox sect or the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and Mormon Fundamentalists differed directly in the initial implementation of a polygamist relationship.

When the Church Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints practiced polygamy, polygamy flourished as a special calling practiced only by elite members in whom they were directly called by the prophet.  Studies revealed that during the second half of the nineteenth century only between 15 and 20 percent of marriages within the church were polygamous; and of that 15 to 20 percent, 66.3 percent were only allotted two wives.[9]  Also, any man called to a polygamous relationship had the opportunity to either accept or decline without any type of demotion within the priesthood body.  Finally, the decision to accept a polygamous relationship ultimately presented heed to the first wife and her permission.  The first wife always inherited the right to accept or decline the calling before the husband could offer his acceptance or decline.[10]  Thus, in a sense, it is self evident that the role of the women in the orthodox sect manifested a sense of equality in regards to the institution of marriage even though women did not possess the priesthood authority.   Albeit, women in polygamist enclaves of Mormon Fundamentalists never manifested such equality; in fact, the role of the women in regards to marriage, even though within polygamist society there is a strong contingent element of great satisfaction for women, women vis-à-vis men are subordinate and must submit to the prevalence of men, the prophet, and the priesthood council.[11]

            Due to continual pressure from the United States government and the desire for Utah to reach statehood, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints discontinued any newly appointed polygamist relationships after the Manifesto of 1890 by Prophet Wilford Woodruf.[12]  However, since many Mormon families already sustained polygamy, it was difficult to negate that relationship.  Thus in 1904, a Second Manifesto solidified the dissolution of polygamy within the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.[13]  The Second Manifesto not only caused extreme dissidence between members who continued to practice polygamy with those who had sustained the laws of the land and adopted only monogamy,[14] it also drove polygamist families underground and virtually in hiding.[15]  Polygamist families who received the sentiments of disdain inherited traits of zealotry and greatly disassociated from the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, especially after the church started excommunicating members who still practiced polygamy.  The polygamists initiated sectarian schisms after the Second Manifesto and the Final Manifesto of 1933;[16] for they believed the church had lost the rudimentary traditions preached by Joseph Smith and the authority which sustained revelation and the priesthood in exchange for the secularization and conformity to federal recognition and assimilation within acceptance of main stream Christianity.[17] 

            Once Mormon Fundamentalists completely separated from the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Mormon Fundamentalism continued to divide themselves asunder into different enclaves.  The main enclaves preserved leadership by a hierarchy of prominent polygamist families, mainly the Johnson, Musser, and LeBaron families.[18]  However even though the different factions differed in modern revelation, for each faction maintained their own prophet, the traditional principles of polygamy, fostered by Joseph Smith, maintained the same principles.  Thus the role of women within each enclave retained similar dynamics.

            Surprisingly, the role of women warranted similar appeals and benefits in fundamentalist enclaves as it did when it was initially implemented publicly by Brigham Young in 1852.  Because of the benefits of polygamy for women, converts have rapidly accumulated within Mormon Fundamentalism.  In a sociological perspective, approximately one to six families converted and joined Mormon Fundamentalist enclaves each month in 1993.  Of those converts, 70 percent are women.[19]  For, women are able to assimilate within Mormon Fundamentalist societies quicker than men.[20] 

            Yet how do women, inherently divulged within a patriarchal society, benefit from polygamist enclaves more than men?  In a paradoxical sense, because women within a Mormon Fundamentalist enclave are structured within patriarchal elements of subversion as previously mentioned, women have opted to emphatically maximize opportunities for autonomy, mobility, solidarity, and goddess worship.  It is this intrinsic structure that has provided a greater benefit for women rather than men.[21]

            Within the polygamist enclaves of Mormon Fundamentalist societies, women enjoy socioeconomic security.  The priesthood not only exists as a means for a hierarchal structure within the enclave, it also purports a responsibility for men to provide security for each of their wives as well as treat each wife equally fair.  Therefore each man must allow equal time devoted to each wife.[22] 

For women, this promotes interdependence between the sister wives as well as allot time for each women to function independently.  While the husband is gone, the women may maintain the authoritative roles over the children and are permitted also to independently function and pursue ambitions.   So when the husband is not in a particular home, it is the mother’s role to act as the authority and cultivate the celestial family as both the father and the mother.[23]  Also, since men provide financial stability, the women are free to pursue educational exploits or any other ambitions they desire.  It is quite common for women within the enclave to pursue higher degrees of education as well as supplemental income.

Women also benefit from marital mobility.  Since the primary role for women within Mormon Fundamentalism is to cultivate celestial families, it is necessary that women are satisfied within there marriage.  In regards to second marriages, after the primary husband dies, which frequently occurs since marriages occur between elder men and teenage girls, women select second husbands in terms of hypergamy.  Due to the fact that women are always selected and sealed by and to their first husbands for eternity in the everlasting covenant of marriage, a second marriage is for only a temporal earthly gestation; thus, women may finally select a husband that may provide a greater means of economic stability.[24]   

Also, women maintain the option for separation from their husbands or “release” if the husbands are not honoring their priesthood or providing a satisfactory marriage.  Thus within Mormon Fundamentalist enclaves, the divorce rate could be as high as 35 percent.[25]  Unlike women, it is exceptionally difficult for men to receive a release from a marriage contract since they have the option of just marrying another wife.  Conversely, even if men do not get along with their wives, it is still obligatory to maintain financial stability for each wife.

Within the enclave, women enjoy a great forum in midst of a contingently larger female population.  Many women convert to fundamentalist enclave due to loneliness, desperation, or because they are widows with children, or even women who cannot find a worthy husband in mainstream Mormonism.  Once in the enclave, women are able to build a rapport with other women and build relationships upon the dynamics of common foundations.  Thus, women are able form strong bonds of sisterhood, self confidence, independence, and even sense of solidarity.  These communal relationships not only manifest benefits for women within the enclave, but also establish a fellowship of esoteric commonality which may prevent women from leaving the enclave.[26]

            Finally, women play the most essential role within the Mormon Fundamentalist enclaves because of the very nature in which the enclave exists.  As mentioned previously, the most vital and essential ordinance within all Mormon theology is entering the new and everlasting covenant of eternal marriage.  Therefore on earth, Mormons are essentially building their kingdoms in heaven.  For if members are exalted to the highest degree of the Celestial Kingdom, they inherent and rule as kings/queens and priests/priestesses over their eternal posterity in their proprietary kingdoms.  For Mormon Fundamentalist, this paradigm of divine hierarchy is also implemented on earth emanating from the enclave’s prophet, to the priesthood council of apostles, and through the hierarchy of the different levels of both Melchizedek and Aaronic priesthoods.[27]  Thus, for women, they are the ones physically bearing children to build these earthly kingdoms that in a sense mimic their potential celestial ambitions.  As queens and priestesses, the women are directly responsible for the cultivation of their children which are their primary obligation.[28]  Thus, women operate as the central heart within communal family as well as the nuclear family in which gives them a goddess like quality, worshipped by those surrounding them. 

This divine heritage has also created an evolution of paradigms for hierarchal development within women vis-à-vis their communal society.  Women, in a sense, have aspired to priesthood revelations in regards to bearing children.[29]  Many women testify of visions and dreams in which manifest their children appearing to them in particular scenarios.  These revelations permit women to escalate within their inner hierarchy.  Also, the number of children that they give birth to and cultivate not only allocates a higher position within the social hierarchy, it will provide additional blessing in heaven as well.[30]  Consequently, women within Mormon Fundamentalism have opted in the refusal of the use of birth control.  Conversely, since the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints advocates a person’s right to determine their own private use of birth control, except in cases of abortion, fundamentalist further dichotomize the secularism of the church with the true traditional practice of the fundamentalists.[31]

Even though polygamy in Mormon Fundamentalist enclaves resonates on the male dominance of the patriarchal society, women have ameliorated and maximized their standing within the community inhibiting a social hierarchy as well as a position of venerated, altruistic kingdom builders.  While many outsiders may condemn or lament Mormon Fundamentalist women as zealot casualties caught in a modern-day white slavery ring, in actuality, fundamentalist women are benefiting from their roles within the enclaves and burgeoning the membership of their factions by means of child bearing as well as manifesting a desired milieu for non-fundamentalist women seeking not only socioeconomic stability, but also a sense of autonomy, independence, solidarity, mobility, communal camaraderie and manifest destiny. 

 


Bibliography

 

Bennion, Janet.  Women of Principle: Female Networking in Contemporary Mormon Polygyny.  New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.

 

Driggs, Ken.  “After the Manifesto: Modern Polygamy and Fundamentalist Mormons.”  Journal of Church and State (Vol. 32 Issue2), 367-390.

 

Driggs, Ken.  “This Will Someday Be the Head and Not the Tail of the Church: A History of the Mormon Fundamentalists at Short Creek.” Journal of Church and State (Spring 1992), 49-80.

 

Friel, Breton.  “Rethinking Mormon Polygamy: A Different Perspective.” Crescat Scientia: Journal of History (Spring 2004).

 

Hardy, B. Carmen.  Solemn Covenant: The Mormon Polygamous Passage.  Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1992.

 

Hyde, John.  Mormonism: Its Leaders and Design.  New York: W.P. Fetridge & Company, 1857.

 

Smith, Joseph.  The Doctrine and Covenants of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints.  Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981.

 

Smith, Joseph.  “The Articles of Faith, 12.”  The Pearl of Great Price.  Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981.

 

White, Daryl and O. Kendall White Jr.  “Polygamy and Mormon Identity.” The Journal of American Culture, Vol. 28 No. 2 (June 2005), 165-177.

 

Woodruf, Wilford.  “Manifesto: Official Declaration-1.” The Doctrine and Covenants of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints.  Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981.

 



[1] Joseph Smith, The Doctrine of Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981), Section 132.
[2] John Hyde, Mormonism: Its Leaders and Design, (New York: W.P. Fetridge & Company, 1857), 84-85.
[3] Breton Friel, “Rethinking Mormon Polygamy: A Different Perspective,” Crescat Scientia: Journal of History (Spring 2004), 92.
[4] Daryl White and O. Kendall White Jr, “Polygamy and Mormon Identity,” The Journal of American Culture, (Vol. 28 No. 2, June 2005), 166.
[5] Janet Bennion, Women of Principle: Female Networking in Contemporary Mormon Polygyny, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 5.
[6] Hyde, 86-87.
[7] White, 167.
[8] Friel, 91.
[9] Friel, 95.
[10] Smith, D&C, 132:61, 272
[11] Bennion, 43.
[12] Wilford Woodruf, “Manifesto: Official Declaration-1,” The Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981), 291.
[13] B. Carmen Hardy, Solemn Covenant: The Mormon Polygamous Passage, (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1992), 259-261.
[14] Joseph Smith, “The Articles of Faith, 12,” The Pearl of Great Price, (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981), 61.
[15] White, 169.
[16] Ken Driggs, “This Will Someday Be the Head and Not the Tail of the Church: A History of the Mormon Fundamentalists at Short Creek,” Journal of Church and State (Spring 1992), 58.
[17] Ken Driggs,, 49, 71
[18] Ken Driggs, “After the Manifesto: Modern Polygamy and Fundamentalist Mormons.”  Journal of Church and State (Vol. 32 Issue2), 375.
[19] Bennion, 5.
[20] Bennion, 143.
[21] Bennion, 7.
[22] Friel, 91.
[23] Bennion, 41-43.
[24] Bennion, 88-89.
[25] Bennion, 88-89.
[26] Bennion, 4.
[27] Bennion, 93.
[28] Bennion, 44.
[29] Bennion, 53.
[30] Bennion, 81, 138.
[31] Bennion, 81.

Book Review:

 

All The Shah’s Men: An American Coup and the Roots of Middle East Terror,

by Stephen Kinzer.  New Jersey: John Wiley and Sons, 2003.

 

                The book, All The Shah’s Men: An American Coup and the Roots of Middle East Terror, written by Stephen Kinzer, provides a paradigm historical account of the rudimentary foundations of negative relations involving western powers vis-à-vis Iranian political security.  This book, which somewhat resembles a Robert Ludlum espionage thriller, not only explains the rise of a new Iranian, nationalistic, democratic phenomenon under the utopian idealistic hand of Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh during the early 1950’s CE, but also paints a relevant image of the paranoid schizophrenia which plagued the political standoff between the eastern communist block and western democracy during the cold war.  For Stephen Kinzer, the 1953 coup d’état in Iran not only ushered in the idea of western support for tyrannical regimes to supplement commerce concessions of western interest, but the coup also initiated catastrophic consequences  which frequented CIA insurrections of dissonance as well as a catalyst for puritanical literalists groups who today flourish under the more colloquially terminology as terrorists.  Thus, due to coup of 1953, relations between the United States and Iran have completely created a polar, abhorrent schism of political suspicion and enmity.

                According to Kinzer, the reason for the Iranian coup of 1953 revolved fundamentally on the private Anglo-Iranian Oil Company’s rights to Iranian oil intertwined with a red scare to stir American involvement.  For most Americans, the ideal of imperialism became stagnant, in a sense, during post-revolutionary life; imperialism later manifested an oppressive malevolent aura following Wilson’s condemnations of the western propensity for colonization during the Treaty of Versailles.  However, imperialism, rearing its most oppressive head, still benefited Great Britain as an exceptional concession, within Iran, during the first five decades of the twentieth century.  Kinzer illustrates, in his book, the detrimental decadence of British imperialism, regarding the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, as the key prominent element for the Iranian coup of 1953.

                During the first half of the twentieth century, the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company legally signed concession agreements with both Nasir al-Din Shah of the Qajar dynasty, as well as Reza Khan or Reza Shah in 1933.  However, after the death of Reza Shah and succession of his son Muhammad Reza Shah, the National Front movement within the Majlis or parliament, led by Mossadegh, sought for a more nationalist approach to Iranian sovereignty, foreign imperialism, and economic prosperity.  Consequently, as Mossadegh was elected Prime Minister, thus manifesting the majority of political power and public support within Iran, the Iranian nationalistic movement rendered all Iranian concessions a national commodity.  Unfortunately, for Great Britain, as Kinzer describes, this also meant the oil concessions.

                Great Britain refused to dismiss what they referred to as their “private property” in Iran.  However, the nationalistic element within the Majlis continued to dismiss supplemental offers from Anglo-Iranian Board of Directors because of their unwillingness to open their audit ledgers to Iranian officials and lack of respect and consideration for employee rights and benefits.  The United Nations, including the United States and President Harry Truman, all tried to mend relations and erect a compromise between Great Britain and Iran, but to no avail.  For even the World Court suspended the British claim to the oil concessions indefinitely in 1952.  Great Britain refused to amend their contract, which was notarized by Reza Shah in 1933, and Iran refused to allow the British to operate their oil concession within the country.  Great Britain initiated clandestine operations, namely perfidious psychological warfare attributed to the British Secret Intelligence Services or MI6, within Iran to thwart and manipulate Iranian economic and social stability, as well as intimidation tactics in regards to embargos and sanctions by Her Majesties Navy within the Persian Gulf.  However, these scare tactics only resulted in the suspension of all diplomatic relations between Iran and the British, which left the British in search for an ally, with access to Iran, to aide their cause.

                Initially, according to Kinzer, the relationship with Iran and the United States was rather positive, especially pertaining to the Truman administration and Mossadegh himself.  In fact, Truman, as Kinzer portrays, supported Iran and Mossadegh in their desire for the nationalization of Iran and their concessions including the oil dispute and Great Britain.[1]  Truman felt that the British were just too prideful to admit their faults and compromise a new contractual agreement; however, Truman also had to deny financial aid to Iran due to this western alliance.  The standoff between the British and Iran would not be resolved and stood stagnant by Truman’s refusal to take sides.  However, the tides turned with the re-election of Winston Churchill and election of President Dwight Eisenhower.

                Eisenhower’s election to the American presidency fashioned an ecstatic reception amongst covert operations within the British government because of his adamant stand against communism.  Senior agent, Christopher Montague Woodhouse appealed directly to the newly appointed and extremely ambitious secretary of state and CIA director John Foster Dulles and Allen Dulles.  Woodhouse most cleverly advocated the Dulles brothers’ desire to annihilate communism as a fuel to ignite the fire of mutual coalition in regard to the potential Iranian communist takeover.  Kinzer writes, “This appeal was calculated to stir the two brothers who would direct American foreign policy after Eisenhower’s inauguration.  John Foster Dulles, the incoming secretary of state, and Allen Dulles, the incoming CIA director, were among the fiercest of Cold Warriors.”[2]  Thus, with the Dulles brothers on board, Kermit Roosevelt, grandson of President Theodore Roosevelt was named as covert field agent and Operation AJAX commenced.

                Kinzer expresses that within the initial tactics of Operation Ajax, Roosevelt proved to be an extraordinarily and formidable coup instigator and improviser.  Initially, Roosevelt planned a shift in regime control.  Due to the steady infiltration of anti-Mossadegh propaganda, coordinated by mercenary-like Iranians including Shaban “The Brainless,” Jafari, British/Iranians spies, and the well informed and wealthy elite Rashidian brothers, as well as coordinated, fundamentalist, anti-Mossadegh religious sermons maintained by Ayatollah Kashani, this milieu of gradual dissonance created an ambivalent yearning for anti-Mossadegh protests.  Shah Muhammad Reza Shah, also orchestrated by Roosevelt, signed a firmans for the dismissal and arrest of Mossadegh and placement of General Zahedi as the new prime minister.  However, on the night of August 15th, 1953, the coup failed by an internal plot leak; thus the Shah fled the country, Zahedi went into hiding, and all participants (who were found) of the coup were rounded up and arrested.  Fortunately for the United States and Britain, both Zahedi and Roosevelt avoided capture and plotted to strike again as soon as possible.

                As Kinzer articulates in his book, Roosevelt believed that the succession of the coup would “ultimately be decided on the streets” and in the masses.[3]  Thus, he continued to pay informants, hire mercenaries and fundamentalist mullahs to insight riots and extend the public element of rampaging masses.  At first Roosevelt choose to insight riots in favor of Mossadegh and opposing the monarchy, which made the public truly wonder if Mossadegh was just another tyrant.  The next day he instigated riots opposing Mossadegh, in which Mossadegh played into the Gambit and sent police to detain and suppress the Riots.  Since the image of Mossadegh was literally changing over night by the manipulations of Roosevelt, all Roosevelt needed to do now was to establish military support for the Zahedi take over.  Roosevelt then bribed military leaders by payoffs and the distribution of the signed firmans for Mossadegh’s removal.  With a somewhat controlled element within the masses, Roosevelt manipulated and channeled to next day’s riot to oppose Mossadegh, rally additional support for the Shah, exchange regimes, and proclaim Zahedi as the new prime minister.  After the initial failure, the resourceful improvised coup the following week on August 19th, 1953, ran like clockwork.

                To Kinser, even though Roosevelt appears as either a hero or villain, the true hero of the story was none other than Mossadegh.  Kinser’s book illustrates Mossadegh as being a beacon of hope for the country of Iran, nationalism and democracy within the Middle East.  Kinser describes Mossadegh as an honest, benevolent person who truly desired and implored to ameliorate Iranian society and well-being through nationalism and democracy.  Kinser portrays Mossadegh’s fall from grace as martyrdom and a betrayal by the United States government and Iran itself.  Even though Kinser portrays the events of the Iranian coup of 1953 as objective whimsical attempt to once again legitimize British oil concessions in Iran under the guise of stopping the “domino effect or theory,” Kinzer expresses an unwritten sense of repugnance for ignorant British imperialists and the Dulles brothers’ hunger for power and lack of consideration for the future consequences of United States insurgencies or “black, covert ops.”[4]  For Kinser, this initial coup unleashed a realization for the CIA’s cheap ability to fix and manipulate world affairs.  Kinzer writes, “[Speaking of John Foster and Allen Dulles] their decisions to make Iran the first battleground of their crusade may or may not have been wise, but they deserve to be judged harshly for the way they made it.”[5]

                For Kinzer, Operation AJAX demonstrated decay in the foundation myth of the American nation; what originally hailed to being founded by God as a free nation that is honest, free, and provides liberty and justice for all, now instead insidiously topples governments, in a form of modern imperialism, for capitalism.   Kinzer attributes Operation AJAX as the deterrent for freedom and democracy within the Middle East, in which also created a mistrust for American involvement in world affairs.  Kinser notes,

Operation AJAX taught tyrants and aspiring tyrants there that the world’s most powerful governments were willing to tolerate limitless oppression as long as oppressive regimes were friendly to the West and to Western oil companies.  That helped tilt the political balance in a vast region away from freedom and towards dictatorship.     

               

For Kinser, Operation AJAX directly influenced in the vehement, intolerable relationship between the United States and Iran today.  Kinser expresses that after the coup in 1953 and the re-establishment of the Muhammad Reza Shah’s monarchy, Reza Shah became oppressive dictator by enslaving the Iranian people and threatening their security by means of torture and incarceration.  This resulted in the shattering explosion of Islamic fundamentalism,[6] which of course incited the hostage takeover of the American embassy in Tehran after the United States provided asylum and amnesty to the dictator that was meticulously placed in Operation AJAX.  This furthered the fission between the United States and Iran.  Kinser continues to state that because of the souring relations, the United States supported the Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein in Iraq’s war with Iran which, of course, helped Hussein consolidate power within Iraq.  Finally, as the relationship between the United States and Iran manifested a complete schism in international relations, religious puritanical literalists such as Khomeini and Khamenei consolidated their power in Iran and initiated and anti-western campaign which included supporting so-called radical groups like Hamas and Hezbollah; these groups would inspire other radical groups such as the Taliban and Osama bin-Laden.  Thus, Kinser links Operation AJAX to modern terrorist acts.  Kinser states, “It is not far-fetched to draw a line from Operation AJAX through the Shah’s repressive regime and the Islamic Revolution to the fireballs that engulfed the World Trade Center in New York.”[7]       

                Hence, even though Kinser’s book appears to be a surreal attempt for a Hollywood Espionage Thriller, his historical research and source material definitely warrants an extremely valid presentation of the Iranian coup of 1953.  Kinzer is very bold with his chain of influence regarding Operation AJAX as a direct link to the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001.  But, Kinser definitely links Operation AJAX as a fallible catalyst that has influenced the soured relationship between the United States and Iran.  Kinzer’s book also merits a further investigation of the source material by the United States government, to not only make amends, but to also prevent future fallible attempts to manipulate world affairs.

 

                               

   


Bibliography

 

Kinzer, Stephen.  All The Shah’s Men: An American Coup and the Roots of Middle East Terror.  New Jersey: John Wiley and Sons, 20



[1] Kinzer, 3.
[2] Kinzer, 4.
[3] Kinzer, 174.
[4] Kinzer, 208.
[5] Kinzer, 208.
[6] Kinzer, 202.
[7] Kinzer, 203-204.