Monday, September 9, 2013


The Role of Women within the Polygamist Enclaves of Mormon Fundamentalism

 

            The modern phenomena of fundamentalist movements within religious sects manifested generally, in the early twentieth century, an outspoken indignation and response to the rise of secularism, modernism, and assimilation within specific sectarian religious congregations.  This element of traditionalism and dependency on intrinsic fundamentals initiated a schism concerning the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints or Mormons, which consequently created a dichotomy revolving around the assimilation and secularization of the Mormon orthodoxy within the United States by the abandonment of polygamy as a tenant of the Mormon religion.  Thus, Mormon Fundamentalism consequently resulted after the dissolution of polygamy along with the biblical law of consecration or communal subsistence living by the orthodox sect of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in order to assimilate within the sphere of religious acceptance of the United States government to reconcile statehood for Utah in the late nineteenth century.  Notwithstanding, even with the added persecutions and prosecutions by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and the United States government, Mormon Fundamentalists burgeoned directly as a result of the innate role played by women within the enclave as the focal and pivotal strength of the community.  While polygamy has sometimes been associated with the enslavement of women in order for men to benefit from the decadence of sexual indulgences, not only has the women’s role manifested a central importance within the polygamist enclaves of Mormon Fundamentalism as the key element within the everlasting covenant of eternal marriage and sealing of posterity, polygamy has exuded a unique sense of prosperity for women within the enclaves which resonates appeal and growth regarding fundamentalist converts.      

            After the organization of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Joseph Smith, from whom the Mormons attributed the restoration of the true gospel of Jesus Christ on the earth in the modern dispensation as well as modern day prophecy and the re-emergence of the sacred priesthood authority, subtly instituted the biblical principle of polygamy in 1831 among particular high ranking families within the nascent church.  Joseph Smith later canonized the revelation for the reinstitution of polygamy in 1843, along with the principle of the new and everlasting covenant of eternal marriage patterned after the prophets of the biblical Old Testament in section 132 of the Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.[1]  Albeit, even though Joseph Smith canonized the revelation as a modern commandment from God, the practice of polygamy still did not warrant public implementation; so, polygamy continued to appear only within certain families in the highest echelons of the faith.  Yet within the investigation of Mormon history, some historians maintained the idea that the assassination of Joseph Smith on June 27, 1844, had significant ties to his belief in polygamy.[2]  However even though polygamy perhaps displayed malign discontent amongst Mormon critics, Joseph Smith, along with Mormons in general, received persecution for a myriad of unique theological doctrines, namely the charismatic resonance of Smith, his prophetic visions, and the discovery and translation of the keystone of the Mormon religion, The Book of Mormon: Another Testament of Jesus Christ.  Consequently, the assassination of Joseph Smith in 1844 culminated from a myriad of malevolent sentiments demonstrated by incredulous, mob-like persecutions.

            After the death of Smith, the mantle of prophecy, bestowed by the authority of the council of the twelve apostles, presided with the famous Utah pioneer Brigham Young.

On August 29, 1852, Young publicly announced the implementation of polygamy within the Mormon community and its vast importance pertaining as the utmost vital and imperative saving ordinance required for the highest degree of exaltation within the Celestial Kingdom or eternal post-mortal existence being as kings and priests within the presence of the God.[3]  This key ordinance, which explained in section 132 of the Doctrine and Covenants functioned as the new and everlasting covenant of eternal marriage and enabled both polygamy and monogamy to invest the potential of receiving exaltation from the most high God, which according to Mormon theology, provided the opportunity to rule kingdoms in heaven amongst eternal posterity.  This dogma associated with the eternal marriage pertained contingently to obedience or merit associated with Mormon diligence.[4]

            However, why did the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints wait twenty-one years to employ polygamy publicly within the Mormon congregation, and what significant role did women play within polygamy?  Due to the vast degree of persecution of members by eastern and mid-western townships within the United States along with the assassination of Joseph Smith, Brigham Young led the Mormons across the mid-western plains to settle a communal, agrarian society, based on the biblical law of consecration, in the federal territory of Utah.  This mass exodus provided the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints the opportunity to venerate freely without the persecutions which plagued their community.

            Yet during their journey, the Mormon pioneers suffered great hardships.  Not only was the initial women to men ratio disproportionate in favor of the women, during the journey many of the men were called to serve in a Mormon military battalion along side the United States government in the war with Mexico.[5]  So the war and the unstable mortality rate during the pilgrimage to Zion only enhanced the population ratio in heavy favor of women vis-à-vis men.  Thus, from 1844 to 1852, Young found an undeniable dilemma concerning an exponential element of unmarried women, widows, and orphaned children that were unable to maintain socioeconomic stability; also, these members were unable to proliferate or procreate within the new Mormon Salt Lake City community or enjoy the potential opportunity to achieve exaltation within the new and everlasting covenant of eternal marriage.[6]  Hence, polygamy granted an over dominant element of women a chance to marry within the everlasting covenant as well as eliminated social taboos and provided extra economic stability to women and orphaned children.[7]

Accordingly, polygamy never manifested reasons of sexual indulgence for men.  In fact, historians and sociologists have maintained arguments of quite the opposite result within the phenomena, that polygamy has manifested more benefits for women rather than men.[8]  Within the polygamist element of the mid-nineteenth century, many women enjoyed benefits synonymous with those who maintained polygamist relationships later in Mormon Fundamentalist enclaves.  The similarities of the role of women within polygamy will be discussed later within this essay.  The main differences between polygamy practiced by the orthodox sect or the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and Mormon Fundamentalists differed directly in the initial implementation of a polygamist relationship.

When the Church Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints practiced polygamy, polygamy flourished as a special calling practiced only by elite members in whom they were directly called by the prophet.  Studies revealed that during the second half of the nineteenth century only between 15 and 20 percent of marriages within the church were polygamous; and of that 15 to 20 percent, 66.3 percent were only allotted two wives.[9]  Also, any man called to a polygamous relationship had the opportunity to either accept or decline without any type of demotion within the priesthood body.  Finally, the decision to accept a polygamous relationship ultimately presented heed to the first wife and her permission.  The first wife always inherited the right to accept or decline the calling before the husband could offer his acceptance or decline.[10]  Thus, in a sense, it is self evident that the role of the women in the orthodox sect manifested a sense of equality in regards to the institution of marriage even though women did not possess the priesthood authority.   Albeit, women in polygamist enclaves of Mormon Fundamentalists never manifested such equality; in fact, the role of the women in regards to marriage, even though within polygamist society there is a strong contingent element of great satisfaction for women, women vis-à-vis men are subordinate and must submit to the prevalence of men, the prophet, and the priesthood council.[11]

            Due to continual pressure from the United States government and the desire for Utah to reach statehood, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints discontinued any newly appointed polygamist relationships after the Manifesto of 1890 by Prophet Wilford Woodruf.[12]  However, since many Mormon families already sustained polygamy, it was difficult to negate that relationship.  Thus in 1904, a Second Manifesto solidified the dissolution of polygamy within the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.[13]  The Second Manifesto not only caused extreme dissidence between members who continued to practice polygamy with those who had sustained the laws of the land and adopted only monogamy,[14] it also drove polygamist families underground and virtually in hiding.[15]  Polygamist families who received the sentiments of disdain inherited traits of zealotry and greatly disassociated from the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, especially after the church started excommunicating members who still practiced polygamy.  The polygamists initiated sectarian schisms after the Second Manifesto and the Final Manifesto of 1933;[16] for they believed the church had lost the rudimentary traditions preached by Joseph Smith and the authority which sustained revelation and the priesthood in exchange for the secularization and conformity to federal recognition and assimilation within acceptance of main stream Christianity.[17] 

            Once Mormon Fundamentalists completely separated from the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Mormon Fundamentalism continued to divide themselves asunder into different enclaves.  The main enclaves preserved leadership by a hierarchy of prominent polygamist families, mainly the Johnson, Musser, and LeBaron families.[18]  However even though the different factions differed in modern revelation, for each faction maintained their own prophet, the traditional principles of polygamy, fostered by Joseph Smith, maintained the same principles.  Thus the role of women within each enclave retained similar dynamics.

            Surprisingly, the role of women warranted similar appeals and benefits in fundamentalist enclaves as it did when it was initially implemented publicly by Brigham Young in 1852.  Because of the benefits of polygamy for women, converts have rapidly accumulated within Mormon Fundamentalism.  In a sociological perspective, approximately one to six families converted and joined Mormon Fundamentalist enclaves each month in 1993.  Of those converts, 70 percent are women.[19]  For, women are able to assimilate within Mormon Fundamentalist societies quicker than men.[20] 

            Yet how do women, inherently divulged within a patriarchal society, benefit from polygamist enclaves more than men?  In a paradoxical sense, because women within a Mormon Fundamentalist enclave are structured within patriarchal elements of subversion as previously mentioned, women have opted to emphatically maximize opportunities for autonomy, mobility, solidarity, and goddess worship.  It is this intrinsic structure that has provided a greater benefit for women rather than men.[21]

            Within the polygamist enclaves of Mormon Fundamentalist societies, women enjoy socioeconomic security.  The priesthood not only exists as a means for a hierarchal structure within the enclave, it also purports a responsibility for men to provide security for each of their wives as well as treat each wife equally fair.  Therefore each man must allow equal time devoted to each wife.[22] 

For women, this promotes interdependence between the sister wives as well as allot time for each women to function independently.  While the husband is gone, the women may maintain the authoritative roles over the children and are permitted also to independently function and pursue ambitions.   So when the husband is not in a particular home, it is the mother’s role to act as the authority and cultivate the celestial family as both the father and the mother.[23]  Also, since men provide financial stability, the women are free to pursue educational exploits or any other ambitions they desire.  It is quite common for women within the enclave to pursue higher degrees of education as well as supplemental income.

Women also benefit from marital mobility.  Since the primary role for women within Mormon Fundamentalism is to cultivate celestial families, it is necessary that women are satisfied within there marriage.  In regards to second marriages, after the primary husband dies, which frequently occurs since marriages occur between elder men and teenage girls, women select second husbands in terms of hypergamy.  Due to the fact that women are always selected and sealed by and to their first husbands for eternity in the everlasting covenant of marriage, a second marriage is for only a temporal earthly gestation; thus, women may finally select a husband that may provide a greater means of economic stability.[24]   

Also, women maintain the option for separation from their husbands or “release” if the husbands are not honoring their priesthood or providing a satisfactory marriage.  Thus within Mormon Fundamentalist enclaves, the divorce rate could be as high as 35 percent.[25]  Unlike women, it is exceptionally difficult for men to receive a release from a marriage contract since they have the option of just marrying another wife.  Conversely, even if men do not get along with their wives, it is still obligatory to maintain financial stability for each wife.

Within the enclave, women enjoy a great forum in midst of a contingently larger female population.  Many women convert to fundamentalist enclave due to loneliness, desperation, or because they are widows with children, or even women who cannot find a worthy husband in mainstream Mormonism.  Once in the enclave, women are able to build a rapport with other women and build relationships upon the dynamics of common foundations.  Thus, women are able form strong bonds of sisterhood, self confidence, independence, and even sense of solidarity.  These communal relationships not only manifest benefits for women within the enclave, but also establish a fellowship of esoteric commonality which may prevent women from leaving the enclave.[26]

            Finally, women play the most essential role within the Mormon Fundamentalist enclaves because of the very nature in which the enclave exists.  As mentioned previously, the most vital and essential ordinance within all Mormon theology is entering the new and everlasting covenant of eternal marriage.  Therefore on earth, Mormons are essentially building their kingdoms in heaven.  For if members are exalted to the highest degree of the Celestial Kingdom, they inherent and rule as kings/queens and priests/priestesses over their eternal posterity in their proprietary kingdoms.  For Mormon Fundamentalist, this paradigm of divine hierarchy is also implemented on earth emanating from the enclave’s prophet, to the priesthood council of apostles, and through the hierarchy of the different levels of both Melchizedek and Aaronic priesthoods.[27]  Thus, for women, they are the ones physically bearing children to build these earthly kingdoms that in a sense mimic their potential celestial ambitions.  As queens and priestesses, the women are directly responsible for the cultivation of their children which are their primary obligation.[28]  Thus, women operate as the central heart within communal family as well as the nuclear family in which gives them a goddess like quality, worshipped by those surrounding them. 

This divine heritage has also created an evolution of paradigms for hierarchal development within women vis-à-vis their communal society.  Women, in a sense, have aspired to priesthood revelations in regards to bearing children.[29]  Many women testify of visions and dreams in which manifest their children appearing to them in particular scenarios.  These revelations permit women to escalate within their inner hierarchy.  Also, the number of children that they give birth to and cultivate not only allocates a higher position within the social hierarchy, it will provide additional blessing in heaven as well.[30]  Consequently, women within Mormon Fundamentalism have opted in the refusal of the use of birth control.  Conversely, since the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints advocates a person’s right to determine their own private use of birth control, except in cases of abortion, fundamentalist further dichotomize the secularism of the church with the true traditional practice of the fundamentalists.[31]

Even though polygamy in Mormon Fundamentalist enclaves resonates on the male dominance of the patriarchal society, women have ameliorated and maximized their standing within the community inhibiting a social hierarchy as well as a position of venerated, altruistic kingdom builders.  While many outsiders may condemn or lament Mormon Fundamentalist women as zealot casualties caught in a modern-day white slavery ring, in actuality, fundamentalist women are benefiting from their roles within the enclaves and burgeoning the membership of their factions by means of child bearing as well as manifesting a desired milieu for non-fundamentalist women seeking not only socioeconomic stability, but also a sense of autonomy, independence, solidarity, mobility, communal camaraderie and manifest destiny. 

 


Bibliography

 

Bennion, Janet.  Women of Principle: Female Networking in Contemporary Mormon Polygyny.  New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.

 

Driggs, Ken.  “After the Manifesto: Modern Polygamy and Fundamentalist Mormons.”  Journal of Church and State (Vol. 32 Issue2), 367-390.

 

Driggs, Ken.  “This Will Someday Be the Head and Not the Tail of the Church: A History of the Mormon Fundamentalists at Short Creek.” Journal of Church and State (Spring 1992), 49-80.

 

Friel, Breton.  “Rethinking Mormon Polygamy: A Different Perspective.” Crescat Scientia: Journal of History (Spring 2004).

 

Hardy, B. Carmen.  Solemn Covenant: The Mormon Polygamous Passage.  Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1992.

 

Hyde, John.  Mormonism: Its Leaders and Design.  New York: W.P. Fetridge & Company, 1857.

 

Smith, Joseph.  The Doctrine and Covenants of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints.  Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981.

 

Smith, Joseph.  “The Articles of Faith, 12.”  The Pearl of Great Price.  Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981.

 

White, Daryl and O. Kendall White Jr.  “Polygamy and Mormon Identity.” The Journal of American Culture, Vol. 28 No. 2 (June 2005), 165-177.

 

Woodruf, Wilford.  “Manifesto: Official Declaration-1.” The Doctrine and Covenants of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints.  Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981.

 



[1] Joseph Smith, The Doctrine of Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981), Section 132.
[2] John Hyde, Mormonism: Its Leaders and Design, (New York: W.P. Fetridge & Company, 1857), 84-85.
[3] Breton Friel, “Rethinking Mormon Polygamy: A Different Perspective,” Crescat Scientia: Journal of History (Spring 2004), 92.
[4] Daryl White and O. Kendall White Jr, “Polygamy and Mormon Identity,” The Journal of American Culture, (Vol. 28 No. 2, June 2005), 166.
[5] Janet Bennion, Women of Principle: Female Networking in Contemporary Mormon Polygyny, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 5.
[6] Hyde, 86-87.
[7] White, 167.
[8] Friel, 91.
[9] Friel, 95.
[10] Smith, D&C, 132:61, 272
[11] Bennion, 43.
[12] Wilford Woodruf, “Manifesto: Official Declaration-1,” The Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981), 291.
[13] B. Carmen Hardy, Solemn Covenant: The Mormon Polygamous Passage, (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1992), 259-261.
[14] Joseph Smith, “The Articles of Faith, 12,” The Pearl of Great Price, (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981), 61.
[15] White, 169.
[16] Ken Driggs, “This Will Someday Be the Head and Not the Tail of the Church: A History of the Mormon Fundamentalists at Short Creek,” Journal of Church and State (Spring 1992), 58.
[17] Ken Driggs,, 49, 71
[18] Ken Driggs, “After the Manifesto: Modern Polygamy and Fundamentalist Mormons.”  Journal of Church and State (Vol. 32 Issue2), 375.
[19] Bennion, 5.
[20] Bennion, 143.
[21] Bennion, 7.
[22] Friel, 91.
[23] Bennion, 41-43.
[24] Bennion, 88-89.
[25] Bennion, 88-89.
[26] Bennion, 4.
[27] Bennion, 93.
[28] Bennion, 44.
[29] Bennion, 53.
[30] Bennion, 81, 138.
[31] Bennion, 81.

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